Middle Woodland and Initial Late Woodland Cultures in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Absolute Time Period: 2400 B.P. - 1000 B.P.

Relative Time Period: Follows the Early Woodland in northeastern North America and precedes the Late Woodland.

Location: Western end of Lake Erie, southern Ontario, southern Quebec, northern and western New York State, and northern Vermont.

Diagnostic Material Attributes: In the Middle Woodland, coil-manufactured pottery with collarless rims, cord-impressed, dentate stamped and pseudo-scallop-shell decoration applied in linear patterns, changing to paddle-manufactured pottery with cord-wrapped stick impressed linear decoration in the initial Late Woodland; a variety of side- and corner-notched projectile point types such as Jack’s Reef in the Middle Woodland, changing to triangular points such as Levanna in the initial Late Woodland.

Regional Subtraditions: Point Peninsula and Saugeen in the Middle Woodland; Princess Point and Hunter’s Home in the initial Late Woodland

Important Sites: Serpent Mounds, Kipp Island and Donaldson for Middle Woodland; Grand Banks and White for initial Late Woodland

Cultural Summary

Environment

Climate: The modern climate of the Lower Great Lakes region is humid continental with extremes ameliorated by the lakes. Mean annual temperatures vary between 5 and 10 degrees Celsius, and mean annual precipitation varies between 75 to 100 centimeters. The Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland periods occurred in climatic conditions that were essentially modern, with some temporal variation. The period from 2500 B.P. to 1000 B.P. falls within the latter half of the Sub-Atlantic and the beginning of the Post Sub-Atlantic climatic episodes, and coincides with what is called the ‘little climatic optimal’ (2100-750 B.P.) and the ‘Medieval warm period’ (1300-750 B.P.). Mean temperatures were likely a few degrees warmer than today during these climatic episodes.

Topography: The topography of the Lower Great Lakes region was formed primarily by glacial action and post-glacial deposition and outwash. It varies from flat to rolling, and is cut by numerous rivers and streams. All major river systems flow into the Great Lakes, except for the St. Lawrence, which drains Lake Ontario. The Niagara escarpment runs roughly north to south across southern Ontario from the Bruce peninsula to the Niagara peninsula. Middle Woodland sites are found in most environments, with some focus toward major bodies of water, whereas initial Late Woodland sites are clustered in river valleys, on lake shores and around wetlands.

Geology: The Lower Great Lakes region is underlain by Paleozoic rocks, including limestones, dolomites, sandstones and shales. These were scoured by glacial action during the Pleistocene and much of the region is covered with glacial till or glacio-lacustrine clays deposited by proglacial lakes. The soils include clays, silts and sands. Outcrops of high quality cherts occur in the western half of the region, especially from the Niagara escarpment west.

Biota: The Lower Great Lakes region crosscuts two major biotic zones. The southern-most is referred to as the Deciduous Forest zone. Prior to European clearance beech-maple climax forest and associated Carolinian flora and fauna dominated this zone. The northern part of the region lies in the Mixed Forest zone (also referred to as the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence Forest region).

Settlements

Settlement system: Middle Woodland settlement systems in the Lower Great Lakes are interpreted to be based on a seasonally scheduled round of resource foraging. Relatively large sites found in lacustrine, riverine and wetland environments are inferred to be spring-summer macro-band encampments that exploited seasonally rich resources such as fish and waterfowl. Smaller inland sites are associated with dispersal into micro-bands or single family groups that exploited upland forest resources during the fall and winter. Although population densities are inferred to have been relatively low, some researchers have argued that ‘packing’ or filling in of areas, occurred due to population increase over the span of the Middle Woodland. Initial Late Woodland settlement systems underwent fundamental changes to the Middle Woodland pattern. Whereas Middle Woodland settlements are somewhat dispersed, initial Late Woodland sites are centered on water. This is especially true for major river systems; for example, large sites are situated on the flood plains of the Grand River in Ontario and the Susquehanna River in New York state. Foraging ranges were likely more circumscribed, possibly because of the addition of maize cultivation to the subsistence regime. Some sites may have been occupied year round, but true villages appear only after 1000 B.P.

Community organization: Community organization during the Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland is not well known. Middle Woodland sites vary in size from a few square meters in upland locations to a hectare or more at river rapids, river mouths, wetlands, lake points, etc. Those sites that have been excavated show a profusion of post moulds and features indicative of long-term occupation. Substantial middens are also evident at many of the larger sites. Some house patterns have been isolated, but there is little evidence for internal organization of sites. The same pattern carried over into the initial Late Woodland. Only toward the end of this period, between 1100 and 1000 B.P., are individual house structures discernible. In addition, by 1000 B.P. single row palisades appeared at some sites, such as the Porteous site on the Grand River in Brantford, Ontario. Sites like Porteous have been used to signal the beginning of formal sedentary community organization in villages.

Housing: As noted above, evidence for intra-site settlement pattern is rare for Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland, and very few individual structures have been isolated. Those that have been identified are generally small, rectangular structures that vary between four and seven meters long, and three to five meters wide. These are interpreted as single family dwellings. Only at the end of the initial Late Woodland (c. 1100-1000 B.P.) do somewhat longer structures appear that may be the precursors to Iroquoian longhouses.

Population, health, and disease: Population estimates for non-sedentary foraging societies are notoriously difficult to calculate. There are significantly more Middle Woodland sites than Early Woodland sites, and this has been interpreted as evidence for increasing population. Middle Woodland communities likely ranged from 10 to 30 in the fall and winter, and from 50 to 200 in the spring and summer. Initial Late Woodland demographic patterns also show some evidence of population increase, but data are hard to interpret. Some of the flood plain sites in the Lower Grand River Valley in southern Ontario are up to ten hectares in size, but these most likely represent repeated and fairly intensive occupation over hundreds of years by relatively small groups, rather than population concentrations of hundreds of people. Very few published data are available for inference of health and disease. The general picture that emerges from burial information for Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland is of populations with low incidence of pathology. Some osteo-arthritis and periodontal disease are evident, but dental caries and trauma due to accident or violence are almost absent. Infants and children are present in cemeteries, but not in sufficient numbers to indicate high infant mortality. Adults appear to have lived to between 40 and 50 years of age. There is no evidence for differential access to food reflected in the health of individuals.

Economy

Subsistence: The Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland subsistence systems were based on foraging of seasonally available wild resources. Although maize cultivation at low scale was added to the subsistence regime in the initial Late Woodland, its contribution to overall caloric intake was most likely limited. The seasonal round was determined by availability of concentrated resources such as fish, wild fowl and wild rice at different times of the spring and summer, and availability of dispersed resources such as deer in the fall and winter. The seasonal round for initial Late Woodland may have been more constrained by the introduction of maize cultivation, but it is unlikely that horticulture played a predominant role in the economy until after 1000 B.P. There is no evidence for widespread trade of subsistence resources.

Wild Foods: Wild plants and animals were the mainstay of the Middle Woodland subsistence economy and supplied the majority of initial Late Woodland food resources. A wide range of resources was exploited, and plants appear to have been as important as animals. Fish were an important seasonal component of Middle Woodland diets; species exploited include catfish, pike, bass, sturgeon, pickerel and sucker. Fish collected in quantity during spring spawning runs may have been dried and stored for use later in the year. Other animal species identified at Middle Woodland sites include dear, bear, beaver, turkey, turtles, shellfish and waterfowl. Plant resources include fleshy fruits, nuts, leafy plants and seeds. Of the latter, wild rice may have been an important seasonal resource where it was available.

Domestic Foods: No domesticated species (other than dog) has been recovered from Middle Woodland contexts. Maize was introduced at the beginning of initial Late Woodland (by 1500 B.P.), but probably played a relatively minor role until c. 1100 B.P. A period of horticultural intensification appears to have taken place after 1100 B.P., but other cultigens (beans, squash, sunflower and tobacco) were added to the subsistence regime only after 1000 B.P.

Industrial arts: Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland technology was unspecialized, but division of labor along gender lines is hypothesized. The primary technologies that survive in the archaeological record are ceramic and lithic, although bone tools are also found. Middle Woodland pots were almost all manufactured using the coil technique and were fired at relatively low temperatures (700 to 1000 degrees Celsius). The paddle technique was introduced at the beginning of the initial Late Woodland, but firing temperatures remained relatively low. Lithic manufacture in the Middle Woodland focused on core reduction to produce a curated tool assemblage. Lithic technology shifted in the initial Late Woodland to a flake-based tool assemblage and much greater reliance on informal flake tools. Raw materials were procured, for the most part, from local sources, but some trade in exotic cherts is evident.

Utensils: Pottery is ubiquitous on Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland sites. Pots were mostly of the same general shape, with everted rims, slightly constricted necks, globular bodies, and conoidal bases. They varied considerably in size, from small pots that held less than ten liters, to massive vessels that held up to 50 liters. Pots were used for cooking, as well as food and water storage; smaller pots may have been used for transporting foodstuffs. Ceramic smoking pipes are present but rare in Middle Woodland contexts; they appear in low frequency until late in the initial Late Woodland period. Lithic assemblages include projectile points, knives, scrapers and drills. Bone tools found in the Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland repertoires include awls, needles, modified beaver incisors, harpoon points and antler flaking tools. Ground stone axes and adzes are found on Middle Woodland sites; for some reason they are rarer in initial Late Woodland contexts. Utensils made from hide, wood or fiber survive very rarely. From the indirect evidence of chert scrapers, bone awls and bone needles, it is assumed that clothing was made from animal skins, most likely deer hide.

Ornaments: Items inferred to be ornaments are restricted largely to the realm of personal adornment. They present an interesting case of spatial and temporal variation during Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland times. Many Middle Woodland burial sites have yielded large numbers of grave goods, many of which were likely ornaments. These include bone armbands, stone and tooth pendants, beads made from bone, shell and copper (some of which may have been sewn to clothing), and antler combs. Between 2000 and 1700 B.P. Hopewell influence is evident on Middle Woodland sites in the Lower Great Lakes region, and some items appear to have been obtained through, or inspired by, the Hopewell Interaction Sphere. Items of personal adornment are much less common in initial Late Woodland contexts. Late Woodland burials in general include far fewer grave offerings, and ornaments of any kind are rare on initial Late Woodland sites.

Trade: There is no evidence to indicate that Middle Woodland or initial Late Woodland communities practiced either market exchange or redistribution. It is most likely that informal, generalized reciprocity was practiced in the exchange of food and utilitarian raw materials. As mentioned above, most raw materials were obtained locally. The exceptions include exotic cherts such as Ohio Flint Ridge chert, and some manufactured items, such as projectile points of the Snyders and Vanport types. Much of this material was likely obtained through contact with the Hopewell Interaction Sphere, although actual participation in this widespread phenomenon by most of the societies in the Lower Great Lakes region has been downplayed. The actual mechanisms of exchange for exotic goods and materials are unknown. The occurrence of such items declines after 1700 B.P. and ceases completely with the onset of the Late Woodland.

Division of labor: There is no evidence for economic specialization in either the Middle Woodland or initial Late Woodland. The mode of production appears to have been solely domestic, and the basic economic unit was the nuclear family. These is also little direct evidence for gender divisions, but it is inferred through ethnographic analogy with historic and modern foraging groups that women collected plant foods (and cultivated maize in initial Late Woodland times), while men hunted and fished. There may also have been a division of labor in production of certain artifact classes, with women manufacturing pottery and men producing chipped lithic tools.

Differential access or control of resources: There is little evidence for ascribed status or differential access to resources found on either Middle Woodland or initial Late Woodland habitation sites. There is some debate over evidence recovered from Middle Woodland burial contexts. Most Middle Woodland cemeteries exhibit few differences among the burials but at some locations, such as the Serpent Mounds site in Ontario, a few individuals were given mound burial and more extravagant grave offerings. This has been interpreted as evidence for a two-tiered ranking system based partly on inherited prestige and partly on achieved status. The impact, if any, that such ranking had on economic status within the group is difficult to measure, but it was not pervasive enough to leave direct evidence in the archaeological record. Evidence for this type of ranking decreases in Middle Woodland times after c. 1700 B.P. is not seen at all after 1500 B.P.

Sociopolitical Organization

Social Organization: The basic units of social organization for most societies during the Middle Woodland period were most likely the nuclear family and the band, a social group that is usually unranked and unstratrified. Group size was seasonally variable and some degree of ranking may have occurred in Point Peninsula. Bands are inferred to have been patrilineal, patrilocal and exogamous, with relatively fluid group membership. No material symbols of band membership have been identified. Two levels of the band are recognized. The micro-band consisted of from 10 to 30 individuals who were closely related through genetic or affinal ties, and remained in existence throughout the year. In fall and winter, this group subsisted by hunting in upland locations and consuming stored foods such as dried fish and, possibly, wild rice. Such a pattern would produce sites that are difficult to recognize in the archaeological record and, indeed, few such fall-winter campsites have been identified. Large sites on lake and wetland margins and at river rapids are interpreted as evidence for congregation of micro-bands into macro-bands of 100 to 200 in the spring and summer. At this time, marriages could be arranged and group mortuary ceremonies conducted. Social organization is very difficult to infer for the ensuing initial Late Woodland not only because data are lacking, but also because it was most likely a period of pervasive social change. Indeed, some archaeologists argue that Middle Woodland populations in the Lower Great Lakes region were displaced by groups of Iroquoian-speaking migrating into the area from the south after 1500 B.P. It is suggested that the migrants were organized in matrilineal ‘tribal’ units with a greater sense of group identity that gave them some advantage over the more fluid band-level Middle Woodland populations. Whether migration or in-situ development was the cause, ranked, tribal-level societies did emerge during the initial Late Woodland to result in the village-based and fully horticultural Iroquoian communities that are evident after 1000 B.P.

Political Organization: During the Middle Woodland, band leadership most likely resided with the patrilineal head of the family, and political ties were based on kinship. Social relationships within the bands were largely egalitarian, although it has been argued that some degree of social ranking may have developed within the macro-band in the Point Peninsula region. Political organization during the initial Late Woodland is as difficult to infer as social organization. Available evidence suggests that Princess Point and Hunter’s Home society was largely egalitarian, although it is possible that some form of tribal-level ranking developed in the later part of this period.

Conflict: Although intra-group tensions exist in any human society, escalation to violence is relatively rare among foraging groups. This appears to have been the case for both Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland societies in the Lower Great Lakes region; there is no direct or indirect evidence for violence that can be cited.

Religion and Expressive Culture

Religious beliefs: Almost no direct evidence has been recovered that pertains to Middle Woodland or initial Late Woodland religious beliefs or practices. It has been suggested, on the basis of ethnographic and historic analogy, that religion during these periods was shamanistic. The presence of smoking pipes has been related to shamanistic rituals such as curing ceremonies. What was smoked in the pipes is unknown; no evidence for tobacco dating prior to 1000 B.P. has been recovered in the Lower Great Lakes region.

Religious practitioners: If Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland religion was shamanistic, then the shaman would have had some position of influence and prestige within the community. The rarity of smoking pipes may relate to their use by a limited number of individuals. It has also been suggested that shamans may be among those afforded more elaborate mortuary treatment.

Ceremonies: No evidence for ceremonialism exists outside the Middle Woodland mortuary complexes (see below).

Arts: It is unlikely that Middle Woodland or initial Late Woodland societies included specialized artists. Artistic expression appears to have manifested itself in the manufacture of utilitarian and ceremonial items, and was open to all members of the society. Pottery decoration during the Middle Woodland and, especially the initial Late Woodland, is generally organized into horizontal bands running around the pot, and shows a growing appreciation for symmetry of design. Some artifacts, particularly Middle Woodland grave inclusions, demonstrate a greater degree of care and esthetic appreciation in their construction than do more utilitarian items. Such pieces as antler combs, found during Middle Woodland times throughout the Lower Great Lakes region, may have had a ceremonial or even functional use, but they are, in and of themselves, works of great artistry.

Death and afterlife: Burial practice is one area in which there is great dissimilarity between the Middle Woodland and the initial Late Woodland. Middle Woodland mortuary ceremonialism appears to have been, at times, quite elaborate, both in the ways that bodies were buried and in the grave goods that were included with them. In general, Middle Woodland burial ritual focused on the macro-band, and most cemeteries or mound burial sites are interpreted to be the burial grounds for all members of the macro-band, not segments of it such as a micro-band or an elite family. Mound burial appears to be restricted to Point Peninsula during the period between c. 2000 and 1700 B.P. It is interpreted as one of the main results of Hopewellian influence on northeastern North America; indeed, Ritchie based the definition of the Squawkie Hill phase of Point Peninsula on degree of Hopewell influence and the raising of burial mounds. Throughout the Middle Woodland period, mortuary practices were most likely organized around periodic burial episodes that served to cement macro-band identity and integration, and perhaps intra-group ranking in the Point Peninsula case. Elaborate burials cease at the end of the Middle Woodland, and much more mundane treatment of the dead ensued during the initial Late Woodland period. Those burial sites that have been investigated reveal interment in cemeteries with few grave goods and no mound construction. They appear to signify and emphasize the egalitarian social relations that are inferred to characterize both Princess Point and Hunter’s Home societies.

Point Peninsula

Time Period: 2400 B.P. - A.D. 700 (Smith 1987). Ritchie (1980) subdivides Point Peninsula in New York State into four phases (Canoe Point, Squawkie Hill, Kipp Island and Hunter’s Home); Hunter’s Home is treated here as initial Late Woodland.

Location: Southern Ontario east from the Grand and Nottawasaga Rivers, southern Quebec, western and northern New York State, and northern Vermont (Figure 1).

Diagnostic Material Attributes: Coil-manufactured pottery with collarless rims, cord-impressed, dentate stamped and pseudo-scallop-shell decoration applied in linear patterns; a variety of side- and corner-notched projectile point types such as Jack’s Reef Corner-Notched and Jack's Reef Pentagonal.

Major Tradition: Middle Woodland in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Cultural Summary

Environment

The climate of the Point Peninsula region is humid continental with annual temperatures varying between 5 and 10 degrees Celsius, and mean annual precipitation varying between 75 and 100 centimeters (Brown et al. 1980). Point Peninsula times coincided with what is called the ‘little climatic optimal’ (2100-750 B.P.) and the ‘Medieval warm period’ (1300-750 B.P.), when temperatures were a few degrees warmer than today (Bryson and Padoch 1981). Topography varies from flat to rolling, and is cut by numerous rivers and streams (Chapman and Putnam 1984). The soils were largely deposited by glacial and post-glacial action, and include clays, silts and sands. Chert outcrops occur at the western end of the Point Peninsula area, especially near the Niagara escarpment. The southern-most part of the area falls within the Deciduous Forest zone; the northern part of the region lies in the Mixed Forest zone (Rowe 1972; McAndrews 1994). These zones provided an environment rich in both flora and fauna.

Settlements

The Point Peninsula settlement system is interpreted to be based on a seasonally scheduled round of resource foraging (Spence et al. 1990; Ritchie 1980) . In the spring and summer, macro-bands congregated at relatively large sites found in lacustrine, riverine and wetland habitats to exploit seasonally rich resources such as fish and waterfowl. During the fall and winter, micro-bands dispersed to smaller inland sites to exploit upland forest resources. Population densities are inferred to have been relatively low, although increased numbers of sites through time indicate possible population increase. Large Point Peninsula sites that have been excavated (e.g., Kipp Island in New York State) have substantial midden deposits, as well as high densities of post moulds and features that are inferred to be evidence of long-term occupation (Ritchie 1980:247; Ritchie and Funk 1973:154-164). Point Peninsula houses are generally small, rectangular structures that vary between four and seven meters long, and three to five meters wide (Ritchie 1980:248). These are interpreted as single family dwellings. Point Peninsula communities likely ranged from five to 30 in the fall and winter, and from 100 to 200 in the spring and summer.

Economy

Point Peninsula subsistence was based on foraging of wild plants and animals, and was organized around scheduled exploitation of seasonally available resources. There is no evidence of domesticated species (other than dog). In the spring and summer, macro-bands congregated at locations where spawning fish and, perhaps, migrating birds were plentiful (Spence et al. 1990:167). In the fall and winter, micro-bands foraged for dispersed resources, especially white-tailed deer. A model for seasonal exploitation proposed by Spence et al. (1984) for the Rice Lake area is informative. According to this model, the primary resources taken on a seasonal basis were fish and mussels during the spring and summer, wild rice, nuts and waterfowl during the late summer and early fall, and deer during the late fall and winter. Other aspects of economy include the unspecialized manufacture of ceramics, lithics and bone tools. Point Peninsula pottery is coil-manufactured with everted rims, slightly constricted necks, rounded bodies, and conoidal bases (Ritchie 1980:207, Plate 73). Exterior decoration is generally limited to the top half of the vessel and consists of linear impressions of dentate-stamp, pseudo-scallop-shell and, especially in New York State during the Kipp Island phase, cord-wrapped stick (Ritchie 1980:206; Spence et al. 1990:157). Ceramic smoking pipes are present but rare in Point Peninsula contexts. Lithic assemblages include projectile points of the Jack’s Reef Corner-Notched, Jack’s Reef Pentagonal and Levanna types, as well as knives, scrapers and drills. Bone tools recovered from Point Peninsula sites include the diagnostic antler-hafted beaver incisor (Ritchie 1980:251), awls, needles, harpoon points and antler flaking tools. Ground stone axes and adzes are found on Point Peninsula sites. Shell beads appear to have been very popular as items of personal adornment (Ritchie 1980:249), and there is evidence from burial contexts that powdered red ocher was used as body paint (Ritchie 1980:249; Spence et al. 1990:163). Although there is some burial evidence for ranking, it does not appear to manifest itself in differential access to food or other resources. Contact and, perhaps, trade within the Hopewell Interaction Sphere is evident on Point Peninsula sites between 2000 and 1700 B.P., especially in exotic items that were deposited as grave inclusions. Items identified as possible trade goods include platform pipes, panpipes, marine shell and shark’s teeth (Ritchie 1980:253; Spence et al. 1979).

Sociopolitical Organization

Spence and colleagues (Spence 1986; Spence and Fox 1986; Spence et al. 1979; Spence et al. 1984; Spence et al. 1990) have interpreted Point Peninsula social organization in some detail. They argue that the focus of social organization was the macro-band (or ‘local’ band), estimated to have a population that ranged from 50 to 100 people (Spence et al. 1984). Although the macro-band likely dispersed into micro-bands in the winter, it remained together for the rest of the year. This contrasts with the pattern inferred for the contemporary Saugeen culture to the west, where the macro-band remained in congregation only during the spring and early summer. This suggests a trend toward greater sedentism and integration within the macro-band group Spence suggests that: [q]One major function [of burials and intensified mortuary ritual] may have been macro-band integration, the confirmation and reinforcement of the macro-band as the principal social unit[/q] (1986:92). Further, there is some evidence from burial contexts that the Point Peninsula macro-band may have been divided into two groups based on ascribed status. The elite consisted of a macro-band leader (most likely male in a patrilineal society) and his immediate family. This elite may have enjoyed some hereditary privileges, but evidence to support this is limited. In addition, it has been suggested that more inclusive Point Peninsula social units may have existed. The ‘territorial’ band consisted of two or more macro-bands sharing ties between their respective elite families. They may have occupied adjacent macro-band sites in the spring and summer at locations with particularly rich seasonal resources (such as Rice Lake in Ontario). The ‘regional’ band encompassed several territorial bands and was maintained solely through marriage ties (Spence et al. 1984).

Religion and Expressive Culture

Evidence for religious beliefs and practices is not abundant for Point Peninsula. Items such as smoking pipes and turtle-shell rattles (Ritchie 1980:253) may be related to shamanistic practices, and some of the individuals buried with elaborate grave goods may have been shamans. The mortuary ceremonialism of Point Peninsula is much better documented. The mound burial sites found around Rice Lake in eastern south-central Ontario and at various sites in New York State are particularly illuminating. In New York, Ritchie defines the Squawkie Hill phase of Point Peninsula as a period during which Hopewellian influence reached its pinnacle, largely on the basis of mound burial and exotic burial inclusions (Ritchie 1980:226-228). The following general description of mound burial applies throughout the Point Peninsula region. Burial areas were first prepared by removing the humus layer to subsoil. Primary burial pits were excavated and, in New York, often lined with stone slabs. In these were interred one or more cremations, bundle burials or articulated bodies. Grave inclusions in these primary burials were sometimes quite rich, and include red ocher, platform pipes, copper or silver panpipe covers, shell, copper or silver beads, slate gorgets, projectile points and celts. A low mound, ranging from five to 15 meters in diameter and one to two meters in depth was then raised over the primary burial pits (Ritchie 1980:226-227; Spence et al. 1990:160-161). At the Rice Lake mound sites, secondary burials were often included in the mound fill, and burial pits were sometimes dug into the mound after it was raised. The burials in the mound fill were generally disarticulated and fragmentary, and deposited without grave goods (Spence 1996:90-91; Spence et al. 1984:123-124; Spence et al. 1990:160-161). Spence et al. (1984) suggest that mound burial was a cyclical event that may have been triggered by the death of a village headman. Whatever the stimulus, mound burial was a macro-band community ceremony that probably involved burial of all members who died between burial episodes (Spence et al. 194:124).

Saugeen

Time Period: 2400 B.P. - 1300 B.P.

Location: Southern Ontario from London on the Thames River at the western boundary and the Grand and Nottawasaga Rivers on the east, extending north along the eastern shore of Lake Huron into the Bruce Peninsula (Figure 1).

Diagnostic Material Attributes: Coil-manufactured pottery with coarse paste and temper, thick walls, weakly defined shoulders and conoidal bases, and dentate stamp or pseudo-scallop-shell decoration over much of the exterior surface; Saugeen type projectile points; large sites at river rapids and small sites along the Lake Huron shore.

Major Tradition: Middle Woodland in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Cultural Summary

Environment

The Saugeen region is located in the southwestern part of Ontario, excluding the extreme southwestern peninsula. The topography of this region was formed at the end of the Pleistocene and is mostly the result of glacial outwash. Major physiographic features include till moraines, clay plains and sand plains (Chapman and Putnam 1984). The most extensive drainage systems are the upper Thames, Ausable, Saugeen and Maitland Rivers, but there are many smaller streams that flow into Lake Huron. Most of the known Saugeen occupations are situated in these drainage systems or on the eastern shore of Lake Huron. The modern climate of the region is humid continental; mean annual temperature is 7 degrees Celsius, and mean annual precipitation is 80-100 centimeters (Brown et al. 1980). The Saugeen period coincided with what is called the ‘little climatic optimal’ (2100-750 B.P.) (Bryson and Padoch 1981). Chert outcrops occur along the eastern shore of Lake Huron; the most productive is at Kettle Point. Most of the region falls within the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence Forest zone (Rowe1972), also known as the Mixed Forest zone (McAndrews 1994), which is rich in both flora and fauna.

Settlements

The Saugeen settlement system is better documented than most other Middle Woodland cultures in the Great Lakes region. As interpreted by Finlayson (1977) it is organized around seasonal dispersal and congregation. Macro-bands gathered in specific locations such as at the rapids of the Saugeen River (e.g., at the Donaldson site) in the spring and early summer to exploit the spawning fish run. At this time, the macro-band community buried those who had died during the previous year. Finlayson suggests that each macro-band occupied a fairly well defined territory that remained fixed over long periods of time (1977:612). These macro-band territories appear to have been focused on particular river systems, such as the Ausable, Maitland and Saugeen. In the late summer and fall, the macro-band group broke up into micro-bands that dispersed to camps along the Lake Huron shore (e.g., at Inverhuron-Lucas). In the winter, the micro-bands migrated inland to camps in upland locations or in the upper reaches of the rivers (e.g., the Thede site located 17 kilometers from Lake Huron on the Saugeen River) (Spence et al. 1990). The smaller Saugeen sites show little intra-site organization; they were likely occupied by micro-bands consisting of one or two family groups. Some of the larger sites, such as Donaldson, are divided into living areas, middens and cemeteries. Clusters of post moulds found at Donaldson have been interpreted as living structures that were most likely single family dwellings. It is estimated that the larger spring-summer macro-band camps such as Donaldson had a population of about 50 people (Spence et al. 1990:150). The smaller sites probably held 10 to 20 people. According to Spence et al., "Although Saugeen material has been found throughout the region, there is no evidence of a major population increase" (1990:155).

Economy

The Saugeen subsistence economy was based on seasonal foraging of wild resources; no domesticated species other than dog has been recovered from a Saugeen site. Finlayson (1977) has interpreted the seasonal round in some detail. He argues that, in the spring and early summer, macro-bands congregated at places where they could exploit the spring fish run. It appears that at sites such as Donaldson fish were harpooned as well as being caught in nets. Sturgeon, drum, pickerel, sucker, channel catfish and bass were the preferred species (Spence et al. 1990:151). In the mid to late summer, the macro-band separated into micro-bands that moved to small encampments along the eastern shore of Lake Huron to forage for a diverse range of resources. These include nuts, fleshy fruits, waterfowl, mammals and some fish. The latter were taken using nets. Finally, in the winter, the micro-bands moved to inland camp sites, some on the mid to upper reaches of rivers, where they subsisted on stored food, particularly dried fish and fleshy fruits, mammals such as deer, bear and woodchuck, birds such as wild turkey, and turtles (Finlayson 1977:201-215). Saugeen technology included ceramics, lithics, bone tools and copper. The pottery was made using the coil technique, and is coarse in both paste and temper. Pots were made in a variety of sizes and differed somewhat in shape from Point Peninsula pottery; i.e., rims are not as flared and necks are only slightly constricted (Finlayson 1977:347, Plate 29). The decoration consists primarily of dentate-stamp and pseudo-scallop-shell linear impressions that often cover the entire exterior surface of the pot. Rare, but present, are stone and ceramic smoking pipes. Lithic manufacture focused on production of curated formal tools, such as Saugeen type projectile points (Finlayson 1977:382, Plate 32), scrapers, drills and bifaces. Finlayson suggests that at least some of the projectile points may have been used to tip atlatl darts (1977:614). The bone industry includes harpoon points, awls, needles and pins. Elaborate antler combs, as well as bone and shell beads, are found in burial contexts and likely were prized personal ornaments. Also found in burial contexts are ground stone earspools, gorgets and ‘bipointed objects’, and copper panpipe covers. Spence et al. (1979:119) suggest that these burial items may represent Hopewellian influence. They are made from local materials, however, suggesting copying rather than trade. In fact, the influence of the Hopewell Interaction Sphere on Saugeen does not appear very strong. There is little evidence for long-distance trade, and no evidence for craft specialization or economic stratification.

Sociopolitical Organization

Saugeen social organization is inferred to be based on an egalitarian, patrilineal and patrilocal band structure. The band varied in make-up according to a seasonal round of congregation and dispersal, with macro-bands gathering at specific locations in the spring and early summer, and micro-bands dispersing to smaller camps in the late summer, fall and winter. Osteological analysis of the burials from the Donaldson site indicates no close genetic relationship among the individuals buried there. This may indicate that the bands were exogamous, that there was no preferred post-marital residence pattern, and that band membership was relatively open (Spence et al. 1990:150). The burial evidence also indicates that, unlike Point Peninsula, Saugeen society did not have an ascribed elite. There is no pattern of grave inclusions to suggest that any particular individual or set of individuals was accorded greater status other than by achievement (Spence et al. 1990:150). There is little evidence in the Saugeen region for sociopolitical units more inclusive than the macro-band, such as the territorial and regional band that Spence et al. (1984) propose for Point Peninsula. Leadership within Saugeen society was most likely informal, and resided with the heads of families within the band structure. There is also no evidence for either intra- or extra-band conflict or violence.

Religion and Expressive Culture

Little is known about Saugeen ritual and ceremony apart from mortuary practices. It is possible that shamanism was practiced and that some of the items found on Saugeen sites, such as smoking pipes, were used in ceremonial practices. The mortuary complex does not appear to have been as elaborate as that of Point Peninsula. No mounds were raised in association with burials and, overall, the grave inclusions are not as rich. Saugeen people did, however, pay a fair amount of attention to burying the dead. At the Donaldson site, for example, grave goods including utilitarian, ornamental and ceremonial items were interred with many of the burials, including those of women and children. Some of the grave inclusions (such as an earspool and copper panpipe covers) suggest contact with, and perhaps even limited participation in, the Hopewell Interaction Sphere (Finlayson 1977:277, Plate 21; 283, Plate 23).

Princess Point

Time Period: 1500 B.P. - 1000 B.P. (Smith 1997a)

Location: South-central Ontario, from Long Point to the Niagara Peninsula on the north shore of Lake Erie, the middle and lower drainage basin of the Grand River, and the western north shore of Lake Ontario east to the Credit River (Figure 2).

Diagnostic Material Attributes: Paddle manufactured pottery with everted rims, constricted necks, globular bodies and semi-conoidal basis, decorated with linear cord-wrapped stick impressions; flake-based lithic technology, including Levanna type projectile points; settlement system centered on lake points, river valleys and major wetlands.

Major Tradition: Initial Late Woodland in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Cultural Summary

Environment

The general climate of the Princess Point region is humid continental, with extremes moderated by proximity to Lakes Erie and Ontario. The modern annual mean temperature is 8 degrees Celsius; the mean precipitation is 86 centimeters per annum (Brown et al. 1980). The time period of Princess Point falls within climatic episodes (the ‘little climatic optimum’ and the ‘Medieval warm period’) when both mean temperature and precipitation are thought to have been somewhat higher (Bryson and Padoch 1981). The topography of the region is variable. The Niagara escarpment runs north-south through the eastern part. Away from the lakes, the surface is rolling; nearer the north shore of Lake Erie the topography is flat. The region is underlain by Paleozoic limestones, shales and sandstones that were scoured repeatedly by glacial action to produce a veneer of silty lodgment till. The till is covered in areas with glacio-lacustrine clays deposited by proglacial lakes (Chapman and Putnam 1984; Walker et al. 1997:867). A few rivers and many streams flowing into Lakes Erie and Ontario and the Niagara River drain the Princess Point area. The largest drainage area is the Grand River basin (6700 square kilometers) (Walker et al. 1977:867). The Grand River runs through the heart of the Princess Point area to empty into Lake Erie. Most of the region lies within the Deciduous Forest zone (Carolinian Biotic Province), which supports a huge biomass of plants and animals (Rowe 1972; McAndrews 1994:180).

Settlements

The dominant factor in Princess Point settlement location is proximity to large bodies of water. All but a few of the known Princess Point components are situated on river flood plains, on river terraces, on the Lake Erie shore, or on the margins of wetlands. Half of these sites are located in the Lower Grand River valley (LGRV). The sites also tend to occur in groups. There are significant clusters in the lower, middle and upper sections of the LGRV, at Long Point on the north shore of Lake Erie, and at Cootes Paradise, a major wetland at the extreme western end of Lake Ontario (Stothers 1977; Smith and Crawford 1997). The sites in the LGRV generally occur in specific settings where there are river bars and terraces in combination. In situations with flat, alluvial silt terraces overlooking river flats, the major occupation tends to be on the terrace. Where rolling terraces on clay adjoin river bars, the primary occupation is on the flood plain (e.g., the Grand Banks site), with small sites on the terraces. Until recently, the Princess Point settlement system was hypothesized to be very similar to the Middle Woodland pattern, with seasonal macro- and micro-band congregation and dispersal (Stothers 1977; Fox 1990). It is now argued that Princess Point habitation was more centered on particular locations than Middle Woodland. The larger sites (e.g., Grand Banks, Cayuga Bridge, Meyer) were possibly occupied year-round (Smith and Crawford 1997); Walker et al. 1997; Crawford et al. 1998). The larger Princess Point sites are not interpreted as formal villages, however, but may be the equivalent of semi-permanent macro-band encampments. The introduction of maize cultivation at about 1500 B.P. may have been influential in this regard. Whereas maize does not appear to have been grown in great quantity, its planting, tending and harvesting would have tied communities to one place for more of the year than if they were solely dependent on foraging. Little is known about Princess Point community organization and housing. Excavation at Grand Banks, Cayuga Bridge and Meyer yielded a mass of features and post moulds with little discernible pattern (similar to Middle Woodland contexts). The one Princess Point house that has been identified is the sole structure at a small seasonal camp at Cootes Paradise, and may not be representative of Princess Point housing as a whole. This structure is rectangular and measures four by 3.25 meters, and is similar in shape and size to Middle Woodland houses (Smith 1997b). Cultural deposits at some Princess Point sites on the LGRV flood plain (e.g., Grand Banks and Cayuga Bridge) cover large areas of up to 10 hectares (Smith and Crawford 1997:15). This is likely the result of occupation by groups of 100 to 200 people over hundreds of years; Grand Banks, for example, was occupied for up to 500 years (Smith and Crawford 1997). The long-term occupation of such sites severely hampers our ability to investigate Princess Point settlement characteristics, especially demographics, at any one point in time.

Economy

Although maize is present on Princess Point sites from 1500 B.P. onward, foraging continued to play an important role in the subsistence economy. Fish is the most abundant faunal component recovered; deer, beaver, small mammals and waterfowl are also evident. Wild plant foods include nuts (e.g., walnut, hickory and acorn), fleshy fruits (e.g. raspberry, strawberry and elderberry), and greens (e.g., goosefoot) (Smith and Crawford 1997). There is some evidence for seasonal activities. For example, small sites situated in ravines on the wetland margin at Cootes Paradise appear to be warm-weather special purpose camps for exploitation of marsh resources (Smith 1997b). The impact of maize during this period is difficult to assess, mainly due to the lack of short term habitation sites where the relative importance of maize compared to wild plant foods at one point in time can be evaluated. In addition, the specific origins of the Eastern Eight-Row maize grown in southern Ontario, as well as its means of introduction, are currently matters of some debate. Snow (1995; 1996) and Bursey (1995) argue that maize was introduced by migrating groups of Iroquoians from south of the Lower Great Lakes region at c. 1500 B.P. (see also Crawford and Smith 1996). Others (e.g., Stothers and Graves 1983; Williamson 1992) argue for diffusion of maize cultivation and its adoption by resident groups of late Middle Woodland people. Whatever the case for introduction of maize, its importance in the Princess Point subsistence region was certainly significant by the end of the initial Late Woodland, the time for which we have the best data. It appears that a period of horticultural intensification occurred between 100 and 900 B.P., with the introduction of beans, squash, sunflower and tobacco after 1000 B.P. Some aspects of Princess Point technology were different than in the preceding Middle Woodland. Princess Point pottery is generally paddle instead of coil-manufactured, and the lithic assemblage is dominated by informal flake tools with limited numbers of formal tools (e.g., projectile points, bifaces, scrapers and drills). Ground stone and bone tools are quite rare on Princess Point sites. There is little evidence for craft specialization, trade or economic stratification. In fact, the overall picture of Princess Point economy is one of egalitarian self-sufficiency.

Sociopolitical Organization

Because of a lack of data from limited-term occupation sites for most of the Princess Point period, we have little direct evidence for fine-grained inferences about sociopolitical organization. The evidence that is available suggests that the band (unranked, unstratified) level of social organization persisted from Middle Woodland into the initial Late Woodland. By 1000 B.P. or shortly after, however, formal villages appear within the Princess Point region, at the beginning of the ensuing Early Ontario Iroquoian period. Since there appears to be continuity between Princess Point and Early Ontario Iroquoian, it can be surmised that social change in the direction of ranked, tribal communities occurred during the 500 year span of Princess Point times. One hypothetical scenario is that, at 1500 B.P., bands that had traditionally practiced the Middle Woodland pattern of seasonal congregation and dispersal began to extend the time of macro-band congregation in specific areas such as the flood plain of the LGRV. Maize cultivation may have figured large in the choice of river bars and terraces with fertile and easily-cultivated alluvial soils. The requirement of planting, tending and harvesting maize would encourage at least some members of the community to remain at, or close to, the plots of maize throughout the spring, summer and fall months, and perhaps for the full year. Winter dispersal may still have occurred, but within a more circumscribed range. Through time this pattern became more pronounced, with the development of social mechanisms to counter intra-group stresses among people who lived in close proximity for a greater part of the year. This led eventually to formal ranked leadership, culminating in the Iroquoian system of segmented lineage tribal organization after 1000 B.P. It has also been argued that this transition would have been accompanied by a change from the patrilineal descent and patrilocal post-marital residence pattern of the Middle Woodland to the matrilineal and matrilocal system characteristic of later Iroquoian societies. This change in descent and residence patterns occurred as women gained more economic power through the cultivation of maize (Williamson 1990). Social connections beyond the local community are also difficult to infer. There is a noticeable homogeneity of ceramic style across the Princess Point area, and definite similarities with ceramic styles of other cultural groups in the Lower Great Lakes region. In fact, the pattern of linear cord-impressed cord-wrapped stick decoration is the predominant ceramic style throughout northeastern North America from c. 1500 to 900 B.P. This points to strong lines of communication over long distances with communities well beyond the local group, no matter their specific form of social organization.

Religion and Expressive Culture

There is little evidence for religious beliefs or practices during the Princess Point period. Late Iroquoian societies were shamanistic, at least during historic times (Trigger 1990:134), and it is possible that this religious pattern extended back through time to Princess Point. Smoking pipes, argued by von Gernet (1985) to be associated with shamanistic practices, are present on Princess Point sites in small numbers. For some reason, the relative abundance of smoking pipes increases at the end of the Princess Point period at sites such as Lone Pine and Porteous (Smith and Crawford 1995:67; 1997:24-25), but declines again in the Early Ontario Iroquoian period. Mortuary data are extremely rare from Princess Point contexts, with only one site, Surma, yielding burial information. Eight burials assigned to Princess Point were found at Surma; each had some burial offerings (including Levanna type projectile points, whelk columella beads and a slate gorget in one of the burials). As a whole, however, the mortuary goods are much less elaborate than are found in many Middle Woodland burials. No single burial was treated differently than others (Emerson and Noble 1966; Fox 1990).

Hunter's Home

Time Period: 1250 B.P. - 1000 B.P.

Location: The western, central and northern parts of New York State (Figure 2).

Diagnostic Material Attributes: Paddle manufactured pottery with everted lips, constricted necks, globular bodies and conoidal bases, decorated with linear cord-wrapped stick impressions; Jack’s Reef Corner-Notched, Jack’s Reef Pentagonal, Madison and Levanna types of projectile points; sites of one-half hectare or a little less in size, occupied on a semi-permanent basis.

Major Tradition: Initial Late Woodland in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Cultural Summary

Environment

The climate of the Hunter’s Home region is humid continental, with extremes moderated by proximity to Lakes Erie and Ontario. The modern annual mean temperature is 8 degrees Celsius; the mean annual precipitation is 86 centimeters (Phillips and McCulloch 1972). The time period of Hunter’s Home falls within the ‘Medieval warm period’ climatic episode when both mean temperature and precipitation are thought to have been somewhat higher (Bryson and Padoch 1981). The topography of the region is relatively flat. The region is underlain by Paleozoic limestones, shales and sandstones that were scoured repeatedly by glacial action. The till is covered in areas with glacio-lacustrine clays deposited by proglacial lakes (Rickard 1973). The Hunter’s Home area is drained by a few rivers and many streams flowing north into Lakes Erie and Ontario. Most of the region completely within the Deciduous Forest zone (Carolinian Biotic Province), which supports a huge biomass of plants and animals (Rowe 1972; McAndrews 1994:180).

Settlements

Hunter’s Home is the least understood of the Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland cultures in the Lower Great Lakes region. Only a few components have been excavated, and none completely. It is worth reiterating here that Ritchie viewed Hunter’s Home as the latest phase in his New York Point Peninsula sequence (1980). It is also necessary to note that Snow sees Hunter’s Home as [q]... an artificial hybrid phase based on mixed assemblages [/q] (1995:65; see also Snow 1996). Both of these views are rejected here in light of current evidence from elsewhere in the Lower Great Lakes region (notably from the Princess Point region) that points to a viable initial Late Woodland phase or stage in New York State. Thus, Hunter’s Home is treated here as an initial Late Woodland culture. Settlement data come largely from three sites: Hunter’s Home, Kipp Island No. 4 and White. These sites range from one-third to one-half hectare in size, and are generally larger than Point Peninsula sites in the same area. The sites include substantial midden deposits and large storage pits, suggesting fairly intensive occupation. Ritchie and Funk interpret these sites as semi-permanent habitations (1973:355), and Ritchie views them as direct precursors to fully sedentary Owasco villages (1980:258. Ritchie and Funk also note that there is some evidence for small fishing camps on some of the rivers in the Hunter’s Home region (1973:355). Thus, the Hunter’s Home settlement system may have consisted of relatively large base camps that were occupied for all or most of the year. Smaller sites represent special purpose camps where fishing parties from the base camps exploited fish on a seasonal basis. This pattern is similar to that postulated for the contemporary Princess Point culture, which is the neighbor of Hunter’s Home’s in south-central Ontario. Hunter’s Home housing is poorly known. As is the case for Point Peninsula, Saugeen and Princess Point, Hunter’s Home components yield a large number of post moulds and features with little discernible pattern, largely because of long-term habitation and constant rebuilding of structures. Ritchie suggests that one of the possible house outlines at the Kipp Island No. 4 site is representative of a Hunter’s Home house (1980:247). This structure is rectangular with rounded corners, and measures roughly six by 3.5 meters; similar structures are reported from the White site (Ritchie 1980:259). Ritchie and Funk infer that population increase occurred during Hunter’s Home times (1973:355), but this interpretation is based on very limited evidence.

Economy

Reconstructing the Hunter’s Home subsistence economy is problematic. The sites on which we must depend for information were excavated before the widespread application of flotation recovery techniques beginning in the early 1970s. This hampers our judgment of the relative importance of plant and animal foods in the Hunter’s Home diet, and leaves the question of maize cultivation open. In 1973, Ritchie and Funk proposed that: [q]... maize cultivation was already being practiced as an important aspect of the Hunter’s Home economy, and we predict that confirmatory evidence will be recovered by future excavations ...[/q] (1973:356). Twenty-five years after this statement was published, confirmatory evidence of maize cultivation is yet to be reported for Hunter’s Home. Considering that maize is present in the adjacent Princess Point region by c. 1500 B.P. (Smith and Crawford 1997), and maize, beans and squash were present in fully horticultural contexts immediately after Hunter’s Home in early Owasco times (Ritchie 1980:276), it seems odd that Hunter’s Home would not be cultivating maize, at least. In any case, foraging of wild plants and animals was of great importance to Hunter’s Home subsistence.

Sociopolitical Organization

Because of limited data, inferences about Hunter’s Home social or political organization must be largely speculative. It is likely that the basis for Hunter’s Home social organization continued to be the band, although is open to question whether it was patrilineal and patrilineal, or matrilineal and matrilocal. It is likely that Hunter’s Home bands increased in size and complexity. For example, if sites like White and Hunter’s Home were permanent or even semi-permanent, then Hunter’s Home groups would face problems of intra-community stress arising from daily interaction among people who were not closely related, stresses that would be alleviated in previous times with micro-band dispersal. Therefore, it is possible that practices of social mediation would have become more important and more common, or even that a form of ranked leadership would have evolved to mediate social tensions. Ritchie’s and Funk’s insightful views on the possible significance of larger, semi-permanent communities and decline in the type of elaborate mortuary ceremonialism seen in previous Middle Woodland contexts is worth quoting at some length:

[ext] We postulate that concomitant with these changes was the appearance of corporate social groups; i.e., lineages or possible clans, where power and authority were vested in the group, rather than in exceptional individuals. With these changes, it was no longer necessary to send the deceased "chief", priest, or shaman off to the next world via lengthy ceremonies and offerings which not only were useful in his new existence but which also demonstrated to him and more importantly, to his surviving followers, their special respect and reverence for his status. In Hunter’s Home society and succeeding Owasco groups, the individual human being was now submerged in a large descent group, which owned and exploited land as a unit, where decisions were made by democratic council, and within which he would live out his full span [/ext] (Ritchie and Funk 1973: 355-356).

Religion and Expressive Culture

Little can be inferred about Hunter’s Home religion. If it was shamanistic, then the shaman’s status may have become more submerged within the group, as postulated by Ritchie and Funk (1973:356). The occurrence of smoking pipes in greater numbers than in previous Middle Woodland times may have had more to do with their use as social mediators, as was the case in later Iroquoian societies (Smith and Crawford 1995:67) than with an increase in shamanistic ritual. Hunter’s Home mortuary practices are documented from excavated cemeteries at the White, Hunter’s Home and Kipp Island No. 4 sites. The White site burials are single burials, one cremated and one uncremated, both with grave offerings (including several Levanna type points) (Ritchie 1980:259). At Hunter’s Home, eighteen graves were found with interments in single flexed and bundle burials (Ritchie 1980:262). Twenty-nine braves with 120 individuals were excavated at Kipp Island No. 4, yielding evidence for eight different types of burial. These range from single cremation and bundle burials to multiple interments with various combinations of partially articulated, bundle and cremation burials. Grave inclusions were found with some, but not all of the burials (Ritchie 1980:262-266). Almost all of the burials from these sites appear to be secondary, a factor the led Ritchie to propose that the Hunter’s Home burial pattern was a direct forerunner of later Iroquoian practices (Ritchie 1980:266). In these, communal burial of the dead emphasized community integration. Thus, communal burial ceremonies may have been a mechanism of social mediation and integration in newly sedentary or semi-sedentary Hunter’s Home communities. The grave inclusions are much less elaborate than was the case during Middle Woodland times, and there is no burial evidence for social stratification.

Serpent Mounds

Time Period: 1900-1700 B.P. (Spence et al. 1990:160)

Location: On the north shore of Rice Lake in eastern south-central Ontario (Figure 1)

Major Tradition: Middle Woodland in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Descriptive Summary

Local Environment

The Serpent Mound site is located in the Trent River-Rice Lake district of southern Ontario. This area falls within the Mixed Forest zone (Rowe 1972; McAndrews 1994) and the period of occupation coincides with the ‘little climatic optimal’ (Bryson and Padoch 1981). The region is underlain by Paleozoic limestones, shales and sandstones covered with glacial till, and lies within the Peterborough Drumlin Field, which creates a highly rolling topography (Chapman and Putnam 1984). The immediate environment of the site is dominated by Rice Lake, a long, narrow body of water fed by three major streams and drained by the Trent River. Micro-environments in the vicinity of Serpent Mounds include lacustrine, riverine, forest and wetland habitats. The lake is a major source of wild rice (Spence et al. 1984:120).

Physical Features

The Serpent Mounds site is situated at the center of the northern shore of Rice Lake. The site area is multi-component, but the principal features, a shell midden and nine burial mounds, date to the Middle Woodland, Point Peninsula occupation. The extensive shell midden lies close to the Rice Lake shore, and is made up mostly of mussel shell. It runs for 90 meters along the shore, 20 meters inland, and is generally less than one-half meter deep. The burial mounds are situated about 100 meters inland (Johnston 1968:81). Most of these mounds appear to represent single burial episodes. Mound E, the Serpent Mound itself, is 59 meters long, and appears to reflect a number of mound-raising events. In fact, Johnston (1968:20) suggests that the ‘serpentine’ form of Mound E is serendipitous, resulting from repeated additions to the same mound structure, and does not represent a purposeful effigy form. Johnston excavated part of Mound E, and recovered human remains from 74 individuals. Twelve had been placed, uncremated, in sub-mound burial pits before mound construction. The others, many of which were cremations, were placed in pits in the mound fill while the mound was being raised, or either mixed in with the fill or deposited on the mound surface (Johnston 1968:21-26). Grave goods were found primarily with nine of the sub-mound burials (six adult males, one adult of indeterminate sex, and two children). The grave goods included shell, silver and copper beads, tools such as projectile points and a bone fishhook, mandibles and maxillae from wolf and bear, and other miscellaneous items (Johnston 1968:17). Mounds G and I represent a somewhat different burial pattern. Both feature a single mass grave, with no grave goods, over which a mound was raised (Johnston 1968).

Cultural Aspects

The Serpent Mounds is interpreted to be a macro-band encampment for a group of 100 to 200 people. Primary occupation was during the spring and summer, during which abundant local resources such as mussels and wild rice were exploited. Little information about the habitation of the site, other than the extensive mussel shell midden, was recovered. Each mound building event [q]represents a burial episode that involved the whole community, rather than just a segment like a lineage. The number of individuals and the presence of many secondary burials indicate that each episode included community deceased that had accumulated over some period of time[/p] (Spence et al. 1984:124). The special treatment accorded the individuals in the sub-mound interments, which included both adults and children with grave goods, may be evidence for some degree of ranking within the macro-band; i.e., this type of burial was reserved for the band headman and members of his family (Spence et al. 1979:18; Spence et al. 1984:125-126). Hopewellian influence on the Serpent Mounds community is inferred from some of the grave goods, such as the panpipes, included in the sub-mound burials (Spence et al. 1979:118).

Donaldson

Time Period: c. 2400-1300 B.P. (Smith 1997)

Location: On the Saugeen River near the eastern shore of Lake Huron in southern Ontario (Figure 1)

Major Tradition: Middle Woodland in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Descriptive Summary

Local Environment

The period of occupation of the Donaldson site coincides with the ‘little climatic optimal’ (Bryson and Padoch 1981). The site area is located in the Mixed Forest zone (Rowe 1972; McAndrews 1994).The region is underlain by Paleozoic limestones, shales and sandstones covered with glacial till (Chapman and Putnam 1984). The Donaldson site is located by in the lower reaches of the Saugeen River where it flows by a series of four glacial lake terraces. The surface soils are loam and sandy loam. The original vegetation cover was both forest and scrubland (Finlayson 1977:234-239).

Physical Features

The Donaldson site is located on the north bank of the Saugeen River about 3.5 kilometers from the mouth. It is situated on four low terraces at major rapids in the lower reaches of the river. The site is about 1.2 hectares in size, and runs for about 85 meters along the river bank and 45 meters inland. The site includes living areas on both the third and fourth terraces, and an extensive hillside midden running for 50 meters on the slope between the third and fourth terraces (Finlayson 1977). There are also two separate burial areas, one on the third terrace (Wright and Anderson 1963) and one on the fourth terrace (Finlayson 1977).

Cultural Features

The Donaldson site is interpreted to be a spring-summer encampment for a macro-band. The macro-band returned to it repeatedly to harvest fish at the rapids in the Saugeen River during the spring spawning run. A series of five radiocarbon dates ranging from 2535 to 725 B.P. (Finlayson 1977:495-496) indicates that the site may have been used, at least intermittently, for over 1,000 years. A limited amount of both Early Woodland and Late Woodland material was recovered from the site, however, and the earliest and latest radiocarbon dates may apply to these two periods respectively. On both the third and fourth terraces, the excavators uncovered a profusion of post moulds and features (including hearths) that indicate structures were erected, presumably with the hearths inside them, and subsurface pits were excavated for storage. Only two of the structures were distinct enough to discern shape and dimensions. These are rectangular, and measure 7.1 by five meters and 6.5 by four meters (Wright and Anderson 1963:11-15). They are interpreted to be single family dwellings. The two cemeteries appear to have been used for short periods of time during different site occupations, and are interpreted to be family burial grounds. In both cemeteries, individuals were interred in grave pits that were used on more than one occasion. Bodies were treated in a variety of ways. Some were buried completely articulated, others were dismembered prior to burial, and some were cremated. Position of the body also varied; both extended and flexed burials were encountered, and bodies were placed on the side, back and stomach. Grave goods were interred with all ages and both sexes in no particular pattern, except that in one cemetery grave inclusions were provided with adults only. In addition, fragmentary evidence suggests that a dog was buried with one individual (Finlayson 1977:498-502).

Grand Banks

Time Period: 1500 - 950 B.P. (Smith 1997)

Location: On the Lower Grand River Valley, Ontario (Figure 2)

Major Tradition: Initial Late Woodland in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Descriptive Summary

Local Environment

The 500 year time period of occupation of Grand Banks coincides with the ‘little climatic optimal’ and the ‘Medieval warm period’ (Bryson and Padoch 1981). In its lower reaches where the Grand Banks site is located, the Grand River cuts through glacio-lacustrine clays over glacial till, underlain by Paleozoic limestone (Walker et al. 1997:867). The river valley in this section is about 400 meters wide, half of which is occupied by flood plain alluvium (Crawford et al. 1998:127). The site area is located in the Deciduous Forest zone; until land clearance, beginning about 200 years ago, the region was heavily forested (Rowe 1972; McAndrews 1994).

Physical Features

Excavations at the Grand Banks site from 1993 to 1995 documented the stratigraphy of the site and recovered cultural material pertaining to its occupation throughout the entire Princess Point period (Smith and Crawford 1997). Grand Banks is situated on a lateral rive bar located about 30 kilometers from the mouth of the Grand River. The bar is about 750 meters long and 175 meters wide; coring recovered cultural material from over the entire extent of the bar (roughly 10 hectares). The bar consists of roughly two meters of alluvium, and is both naturally and culturally stratified. Two buried paleosols of dark brown, organically rich soil are observable in the soil profile. The upper paleosol (PII) ranges from 10-20 centimeters thick, and occurs at an average depth of 40 centimeters below the present bar surface. It is overlain by a layer of alluvial silt (Crawford et al. 1998:129). Cultural material dating to the initial Late Woodland, Princess Point period is found in PII, as well as in features that were excavated into the layer of alluvium that underlies PII. The paleosol appears to have been a stable surface of the bar from at least 1500 to 1000 B.P., and perhaps longer. This inferred stability is very important to an understanding of the occupation of the site, because the presence of PII indicates that river flooding was limited at this time, enabling the bar to be occupied on a year-round basis.

Cultural Aspects

The Grand Banks site is an example of a large, flood plain site, typical of the Princess Point occupation of the Lower Grand River valley. The site was occupied year-round by a group that combined foraging of wild plants and animals with cultivation of maize. Floral remains recovered include maize, nuts (acorn, butternut and hickory), fleshy fruits (nightshade, bramble, ground cherry and strawberry), grasses and greens (goosefoot, purslane and switchgrass), arrowhead tubers, cleavers and sumac (Smith and Crawford 1997:17). Bone preservation is extremely poor; elements recovered include some mammals (e.g., white-tailed deer), but mostly fish. Technology is represented by typical Princess Point pottery (decorated with linear cord-wrapped stick impressions) and lithics (made predominantly from local Onondaga chert). Bone artifacts and ground stone implements are virtually absent. The lithic industry includes formal tools such as projectile points, bifaces, drills and scrapers, but these are far outnumbered by informal flake tools. Settlement pattern at the site is represented by a large number of post moulds and features, but, as is the case with most Middle Woodland and initial Late Woodland sites in the Lower Great Lakes region, no discernible outlines of living structures are evident (Smith and Crawford 1997). It is hypothesized that Grand Banks was occupied on a long-term basis (at least intermittently for 500 years) by a group of 100 to 200 people who used the entire surface of the bar at one point or another. This group may been a macro-band or an incipient ranked society; Grand Banks does not appear, however, to be a compact village typical of later Iroquoians. No evidence of long-distance trade, economic stratification, or mortuary ceremony has been recovered.

White

Time Period: c. 1100 B.P. (Ritchie 1980:261)

Location: In central New York State

Major Tradition: Initial Late Woodland in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Descriptive Summary

Local Environment

The occupation of the White site falls within the climatic episode known as the ‘Medieval warm period’ (Bryson and Padoch 1981). The region is underlain by Paleozoic carbonate, shales and limestones covered by glacial till (Chapman and Putnam 1984). The site is situated on the divide between the Unadilla and Chenango Rivers; the local environment is described as ‘wooded’ (Ritchie 1980:259).

Physical Features

The White site is roughly one-half hectare in size and occupies level ground beside a brook that drains a nearby small marsh (Ritchie 1980:258-259). Ritchie (1980:258-259) and Ritchie and Funk (1973:354-355) provide a summary of information recovered from excavations at the site. The excavations have revealed numerous post moulds, hearths, small pits and four burials. Ritchie and Funk report ‘extensive refuse’ at the site, implying the presence of middens (1973:354).

Cultural Aspects

The White site is described as the largest and most representative of the known initial Late Woodland, Hunter’s Home components, but cultural information reported from the site is rather limited. Only one rectangular house with rounded corners is reported as discernible among the post moulds, although it is inferred that several others were present. No evidence for a palisade was recovered. The artifact assemblage is relatively rich, and includes cord-wrapped stick pottery (Ritchie 1980:256, Plate 86), and a wide range of chipped lithic artifacts (Ritchie 1980:260, Plate 88. Also found were bone harpoon points, stone and ceramic smoking pipes, and antler-hafted copper awl and ground stone celts (Ritchie 1980:257, Plate 87). Of great interest are fragments of preserved textiles found with one of the burials. Ritchie describes this as: [q]a coarse twined fabric, in a simple over-and-under weave, with soft warp and weft bundles of the same material, quite possibly basswood-bark fiber ...[/q] (Ritchie 1980:259; 261, Plate 89). Little information is available for the burials, but no evidence of differential mortuary treatment is cited. Ritchie and Funk interpret the White site as a village, but it may also have been a semi-permanent base camp that was occupied year-round (1973:354). Evidence for rebuilding of structures suggests that White was occupied for several decades.

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Figure 1. Middle Woodland Cultures in the Lower Great Lakes Region

Figure 2. Initial Late Woodland Cultures in the Lower Great Lakes Region